You have a Racism Fetish and it’s not Healthy, or How I learned Some Perspective and Dropped Critical Race Theory

You have a Racism Fetish and it’s not Healthy, or How I learned Some Perspective and Dropped Critical Race Theory

(all references including reports are available online)

Definitions:

Fetish: something that gets one especially excited, that does not usually have a sexual association, or is an object deemed with magical powers or a spirit.

Racism: a term used originally to describe how one could dismiss or denigrate a member of a racial group based upon a race-based stereotype; originally used as proscriptive (one couldn’t be other, or had to be included), but now omits descriptive variabilities just focusing upon any group differences.

Racism fetish is people getting hot-and-bothered based upon the flash impression of any perceived act of racism.  As this fetish is stimulating and people like to be stimulated (have a sense of purpose and moral self-rightness/righteousness), what constitutes as racism expands so it is easier to get that stimulation.  What started out as the earlier part of the definition (no Blacks, Chinese, or Irish allowed) expands to the latter part of the definition (why are there not proportional representations?).  Being that it is based upon a perception, it is not necessarily reviewed for accuracy; the initial feeling suffices to make moral pronouncements and condemnations.

Two positions advanced about the prevalence and infestation of racism are presented here; one, from a comedian with Comedy Central, and from the other, a PhD economist.

“Preventing Black people from getting loans, stopping Black kids from getting an equal education, racial disparities in medical treatment.  Racism is like the corn syrup of society. It’s in everything.”

“The word “racism” is like ketchup. It can be put on practically anything — and demanding evidence makes you a “racist.””

The first is from Trevor Noah (2020), and the second is from Thomas Sowell (2019).

Fetishes are appetitive.  As appetitive, only certain ‘flavors’ will be satisfactory.  The appetite most enjoy and is socially acceptable today for a racism fetish is primarily Black victimization by Whites embracing ‘White supremacy.’  Racism need not be limited as such, but Whites trying to have power over Blacks is the widely-accepted racism fetish today.

This embracing of racism fetish is made with the condemnation that things dealing with race are, or nearly are, as bad as they ever have been.   The biggest evil ever done it is claimed was committed by Whites against Blacks through slavery.  This legacy of White supremacy to this day, is deemed to be what is holding back anyone who is not White.  White men are the historic and current barrier to the advancement of any other demographic.   The law and police are to be enforcers of this supremacy.

If you’re a minority, and especially Black, it is to be a given that you are oppressed by Whites today and that your ancestors were oppressed by White ancestors; the harm of slavery carried over generations, and it was done by Whites upon Blacks.  Because of this, many decry that the only proper answer to these historic and current racial injustices is for reparations of various types to be paid by the people of today.

But let us review.

Historic Inequality: Slavery, Indentured Servitude, and Masters

Slavery has been more the norm, not the exception for practically all societies in world history (Addis, 2015).  Slavery is in the books for Abrahamic religions; there were some arguing against slavery back to Classic Greece as Aristotle referenced in his Politics.  Europeans got African slaves from other Africans, and the slaves were prisoners of war and criminals; there was not an overall emphasis on race as people of all races were enslaving one another (Addis, 2015).  African slaves to be sold were kidnapped and sold by Africans (Nwaubani, 2019).  Some African slaves were treated as chattel slaves by other Africans (Nwaubani, 2019; Khan Academy, 2020).  There were many Africans enslaving other Africans for Europeans (Strieker, 1995).  There were many Africans enslaving Africans and keeping them within Africa (Britannica, 2020; Strieker, 1995).  However, out of all the African slaves brought west, only around 4% of those slaves were brought to the [future] United States (Pruitt, 2016).  

It was not just Africans selling and owning other Africans in Africa, or [former] Europeans owning Africans in the ‘New World.’  Once in America, slaves were bought by different groups: mostly Whites, but not all.  Some American Indians owned slaves (Smith, 2018).   There were a group of Indian tribes known as the ‘Five Civilized Tribes’ which each owned slaves (Doran, 1978).  Not all Blacks were slaves; there were Black slave owners (University of Richmond, 2015; Russell, 2020).  A freed Black refused the indentured servitude status of a servant, seeking to make him a slave through the courts (Russell, 2020).  Through a series of correspondences with different people, Wilson (1905) found that free Blacks owned Black slaves, that it was known enough one could recommend or be wary of having a Black [ex-slave] overseer as they could be ‘three times as tyrannical as a White man’ over slaves, and White owners freed their slaves more than Black slave owners. 

The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade was so named because it was not the only slave trade from Africa at the time, otherwise, it would have just been ‘the slave trade.’  From Africa, there was also the East-African Slave Trade.  The East-African Slave Trade existed for centuries before the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, and there are estimates there were more African Slaves sold and sent East than were sent West in Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade (Fröhlich, 2019).  The slave trade was well-established before Europeans arrived (BBC World Service, n.d.).  Arabs and East Indians were already invested in the slave trade from Africa.  Arab masters could be especially cruel to their slaves (Pavlu, 2018).  Slavs served as early slaves and a primary source of slaves to Arabs for 250 years (Pavlu, 2018).  Between 1580 and 1680 a million men, women, and children were taken as White slaves to Africa from European countries as far north as England and Iceland, summarized Robert Davis about his research (Grabmeier, 2004). 

It is widely accepted that the abuse African slaves could be subject to included rape, torture, murder (Addis, 2015).  European slaves still in Africa, the Mediterranean, or taken east with African slaves were subject to treatment and labor equal to African slaves taken west (Grabmeier, 2004).  In places where grueling work was not as important in the Arab world, slavery was more pleasure-oriented and for social status taking girls and young women into forced Islamic concubinage, and males were turned into eunuchs with only a 10% survival rate from the castration procedure (Pavlu, 2018).

Slavery was not necessarily as it was presented in the cruel exploitations on some sugar plantations, although many slaves were subjected to similar harshness.  Some slaves lived as live-in servants, and some slaves loved their masters (Meachum, 2001).  Not all slaves were plantation workers, as some were dressed up in finery to match their owners as servants and social status markers (Baumgarten, 1998).  Other slaves were either granted freedom or had bought their freedom.  While still slaves, some were incentivized through task systems that enabled them to earn the rest of the day off after the listed tasks were completed (Addis, 2015).  Some slaves could buy freedom.  There were areas with free Blacks in the 1770s, and back to the early 1700s (Dantas, 2008; Whitman, 2000; Wilson, 1905).   In the 1830s, thousands of Blacks bought freedom, property, and were quite successful (Woodson, 2004).   In 1839 more than 40% of Blacks in Cincinnati, OH, had bought their freedom (National Humanities Center, 2009).  Some Blacks bought their freedom, and some of those bought slaves (History.com editors, 2009); some slaves were family being reunited, some were for labor.  There were already half a million freed slaves as of 1860 (Library of Congress, 2020).  Harvard had its first Black graduates in 1869 (Harvard Library, n.d.).

Half to three-quarters of European immigrants came to the United States as indentured servants (Rosenbloom, n.d.).  Some will protest comparing Indentured servants with slaves.  They have a point in part as legally indentured servants are not same class as slaves, but there was much overlap (Cheng, 2003).  Indentured servants were often used for strenuous physical labor, as well as could be subject to physical violence and even be killed by their masters, who were not often punished for the assaults and killings (Smithsonian, 2014).   Indentured servitude was voluntarily agreed upon at times; indentured servitude was also forcibly placed upon some, in particular it was forced upon criminals, homeless, and orphans (Addis, 2015; Sherwood, 2015).  

Less than 25% of southerners owned slaves (Bourne, 2008).  In 1870 there were 4.8 million Blacks in the United States (Ladyzhets, 2020).  The 13^th Amendment was passed in 1865, outlawing involuntary servitude [an exception for criminal punishments was allowed].  However, what was passed as law in the United States did not necessarily have an effect elsewhere as there were still Africans enslaving and trading other Africans, even after abolition (Nwaubani, 2019).  There was still a demand for slaves across the planet.  Through the 18th and 19th centuries, various European countries and America passed numerous laws prohibiting slavery (American Abolitionists, 2020; Reuters, 2007).  The governments for Britain and the United States enacted resolutions to combat slavery prior to The American Civil War (The Abolition Project, 2009; The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2017).  In the Civil War, on the Union side there were more than 350,000 killed, 280,000 wounded (OSU eHistory, 2020) in fighting the South.  

Between 1900 and 2009 there were more than 56 million more naturalized immigrants to the United States (Myers, 2017); in 2020 there were 38.9 million Blacks (Ladyzhets, 2020).  Black immigration increased fivefold since 1980 (Bialik, 2018).  The population of the United States itself went from 76 million to 308 million from 1900 to 2010 (StatsIndiana, 2020).   Many who live in the United States today not only did not have or were not slaves in America, their ancestors were neither slaves nor slave owners among the few who were slave owners.

Current Inequality: Who is Getting What: Education, Immigration, and Income

First-generation immigrant Blacks averaged 10k more income a year than native-born Blacks (Anderson, 2015).  Second-generation immigrants exceeded their parents and the educational level of native-born citizens (Sherman, et al, 2019).  70% of current middle-class Mexican immigrants stated they grew up as poor (Rojas, 2011).  Sub-Saharan immigrants have higher educational attainment than general immigrants and native-born US citizens; Somalis have the lowest educational attainment and the highest poverty rate, while sub-Saharan immigrants have higher employment than either overall immigrants or native-born citizens (Echeverria-Estrada & Batalova, 2019).  In America, those who have not completed high school participate in government-assistance programs at rates from 4-9 times higher than those who have earned a Bachelors (Duffin, 2020).

Half of Asians have a bachelor’s degree or higher (Budiman, Cilluffo, & Ruiz, 2019).  87% of Indian-American adults in 2010 were foreign-born, and 70% of Indian-Americans over 25 have college degrees; in 2013 40% have graduate degrees.  Indian Americans have an average-annual income even higher than any other group including Whites and Asians, almost doubling the national average in 2010 (DeSilver, 2014).

Between 2010 and 2016, out of those under 25, Hispanics, American Indians, and Blacks had the highest percentages of not completing high school, and Blacks and American Indians continued when past 25 years of age to get some but not complete college.  Whites and Asians (Asians by far) have completed a bachelor’s degree or higher (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019b).  Blacks and Hispanics have lower percentages of those getting a higher education (Tate, 2017).  The percentage goes up to almost 70% when looking at those having some college for Sub-Saharan immigrants (Anderson & Connor, 2018).  40% of African immigrants have a bachelor’s degree, with 33.4% of those having degrees in STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics) fields (New American Economy, 2020).

Single-parent households have highest rates of poverty, with cohabiting couples next, then married-parent families have the lowest rates of poverty, not only for native-born, but also immigrants (Landale, Thomas, & Van Hook, 2011).  Boys are more affected than girls with negative outcomes from single-parent/disadvantaged homes (Autor et al, 2019).  The percentages for unmarried mothers are around 27% for Whites and 75% for Blacks (Autor et al, 2019).  Working parents volunteer less for help with school as they have less time to do so (Castro et al, 2004; Roberts, 2020).  Parent(s) who cannot, will not, or feel incompetent to invest in their child, will leave the child in a less advantageous position of one who gets additional parental help (Roberts, 2020). 

Looking at from 2016, 24-35 year-olds, regardless of race, educational attainment is correlated with levels of income, with not completing high school having a yearly income around half of what those with a bachelor’s degree have earned, and under a quarter of what those with Doctorate or professional degrees (Duffin, 2019; National Center for Education Statistics, 2019c).  Across races, participation in full-time work for those without a high-school diploma ranged from 58-78%, with the exception of Blacks who were at 39%, while Blacks with a bachelor’s degree or higher had near the same employment rate as other races (National Center for Education Statistics, 2019c).   

Though earning a bachelor’s degree does help, not all bachelor’s degrees are equal in how much help they offer.  STEM careers pay more (College Salary Report, 2019; Hess, 2019).  Asians and international students have higher rates of graduating with STEM degrees, with Whites middling the STEM graduation rate, and Blacks having the lowest rate of STEM degrees (American Council on Education, n.d.; National Center for Education Statistics, 2019a).  Some lament that schools are underfunded making it especially difficult for minorities to get quality education.  The average spent per pupil in the United States is around $12,800.00, which is 35% more than average for other countries (Investopedia, 2019).  There is not a significant difference with the amount of spending between school districts in the US (Chingos, 2020; Shores & Ejdemyr, 2017).  The cost per pupil goes down to $533.00 as the average per pupil in Africa (Morsy, 2020).  Japan spent around $10,200.00 per student, and “… has one of the most rigorous school schedules in the world.” (DeGeurin, 2019).  Regardless of where they came from, for those more driven they invest more in themselves before and after immigrating making it so they can advance easier afterwards (Rojas, 2011). Though Blacks get government assistance at a higher rate than Whites, Whites in absolute numbers have more than double the amount on government assistance (United States Census Bureau, 2019a).

Current Sectarianism: Who has done what to who

For the Bureau of Justice Statistics and using the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) for 2018, Morgan and Oudekerk (2019) looked at the results from millions of violent crimes in the United States.  Among the results they listed the general population percentages of White (62.3%), Black (12%), Hispanic (17.1%), and Asian (6.3%) populations in the US, and the rates they were victims and victimizers to members within and outside their races.  Results compiled in the NCVS are based upon victims’ perceptions of their offenders.  First and foremost, for most races, the primary victimizer was one in the same race with the victim.  Within-race and cross-race violent incident results are: Whites victimized Whites 62.1%, were victimized by Blacks 15.3%, Hispanics 10.2%, and Asians 2.2%; Blacks victimized other Blacks 70.3%, were victimized by Whites 10.6%, Hispanics 7.9%, and Asians under 0.1%; Hispanics victimized Hispanics 45.4%, were victimized by Whites 28.2%, Blacks 15.3%, and Asians 0.6%; Asians victimized Asians 24.1%, by Whites 24.1%, Blacks 27.5%, and by Hispanics 7%.  When contrasting the White-Black division, Whites were victimized by Blacks almost the same amount (around 548 thousand) as Blacks were victimized by all, including within-race (around 564 thousand incidents); Blacks were victimized by Whites around 60 thousand times.   Furthermore, they found “Among Black victims, the percentage of violent incidents perceived to be committed by Black offenders (70%) was 5.8 times higher than the representation of Black persons in the population (12%).” 

In 2011 there were 62.9 million police-public contacts, which decreased to 53.4 million by 2015 (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2018).  Just over half (51%) of those contacts were requested police assistance (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2013).  Blacks were 3% more likely than Whites or Hispanics (13% vs 10%, and 10% respectively) to be stopped in police-initiated contacts, and were less likely to believe the stop was legitimate (67% vs 84%, and 74%, respectively), and Blacks were more likely to be searched (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2020).  However, when officer assistance was requested, 93% said the officers acted properly, with 86% saying the officers were helpful (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2013).  There was no statistical difference amongst satisfaction ratings between races when police assistance was requested (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2013). 

Criminal activity is not equally spread across the country; some areas have higher crime rates than others, such as Maine and New Hampshire having a quarter of the violent crime rate as Alaska and New Mexico (200 per 100k against 800 per 100k], and though Chicago is viewed as one of the cities with the highest murder rates, there are others with worse rates like Baltimore and St. Louis (Gramlich, 2019).   73% of US counties did not have any gun homicide, while 51% of murders happen in 2% of US counties (Crime Prevention Research Center, 2017).  “…that 99% of violence in the USA is concentrated in 5% of street addresses” said Robert Muggah in his 2015 report for the World Health Organization (p. 28).

People cluster, and this can be seen to carry over into criminal activity regardless of race.  Race tended to be the same for victim and victimizer (Morgan & Oudekerk, 2019).  Same-race victimization carries over for murder as well as in 2013, out of the total number of Whites murdered (3,005), 2,509 were murdered by other Whites and 409 were murdered by Blacks; out of the total number of Blacks murdered 2,491, 189 were murdered by Whites and 2,245 were murdered by other Blacks (FBI, n.d.d).

There is a higher rate of Blacks killed by police as compared to Whites, and remaining at a kill rate there are more American Indians killed by police; however, overall there are more Whites killed by cops, (Males, 2014; Swain, et al, 2015).  Some research showed that race was a factor when police used force (lethal or other) when White cops were dispatched to minority areas, but even those show potentially confounding factors such as the areas studied had high crime rates (including homicide) and there was not a lower-crime rate, minority control area (Hoekstra & Sloan, 2020).  Some research has shown that in reviewing citizen-police interactions that ended as fatalities, if poverty instead of race is to be looked as the base there is no racial bias any longer (Replicability-Index, 2019).  When changing from a rich Black area to a poor Black area police-killing-citizen rate almost doubles, while going from a rich White area to a poor White area, police-killing-citizen almost quadruples (Feldman, 2020). 

In a similar vein as killed by police, the absolute numbers of Whites incarcerated outnumbers Blacks, but the rate of incarceration has more Blacks (Ann Carson, 2020; Federal Bureau of Prisons, 2020).   In 2016 there was a total of 8,421,481 arrests, with Whites accounting for 69.6%, Blacks 26.9%; under 18 years old, there was a total of 674,820 total arrests with the Whites accounting for 62.1% and Blacks 34.7%  (FBI, n.d.a).  The Office of Justice Programs (2019) estimated total offenses at 10,662,250 in 2016, but the percentages remained the same with Whites accounting for 69.6%, Blacks 26.9%.  In State correctional facilities, for violent offenses, the number of prisoners who are Black are 250,000 with 69.5k for murder, while Whites have 188,700 for violent offenses and 42.1k murderers in prison; Whites do have almost double the incarcerated for rape (Ann Carson, 2020).

Research showed that when community-level violent crime rates are controlled, the racial disparity disappears (James, Vila, & Daratha, 2012).  Not all homicides are the same.  When reviewing the effects of justifiable, robbery-related, or love-triangle homicides, justifiable and robbery-related are more viewed as representative of social violence, and when they are perceived as more likely by the police, the police are more likely to respond with their own escalated violence including killing (MacDonald, Kaminski, Alpert, & Tennebaum, 2001).  In 2017, of officers killed, 59% were killed by Whites, 36% were killed by Blacks (FBI, n.d.d.).  Police killing of citizens has been correlated with race, but also SES differences, and violent crime rates; the impact of crime and SES are consistent (Campbell, Nix, & Maguire, 2018).  Blacks more than Whites experience force at police-initiated stops; however, though Blacks are more likely to be stopped, they are no more likely than Whites to experience injuries or be killed during that incident (Miller et al, 2017).

Comparison of shootings to the general population is erroneous as it includes the assumption that everyone has the same chance of being shot by the police when the chance of being shot by police is an exposure rate of citizen-police interactions, and not only do different members between and within groups not have the same chances at police interactions, not all exposures are the same as criminal threat varies across crime responses (Cesario, Johnson, & Terrill, 2019).  Regardless of race, males and in particular males between 20 and 35 years of age are the ones who are killed most by police (Edwards, Lee, & Esposito, 2019).  This age range has more criminal activity.  The age range of 25-29 accounts for 17.2% of arrestees (FBI, n.d.b).  Around 50% of those sentenced for criminal activity are in the range of 25-39 (Ann Carson, 2020).

Prior research showed that being Black lead to more shootings of Blacks from an inherent bias, which helped prompt Blacks to view police more negatively (James, James, & Vila, 2016).  Some of this prior research showed racial bias from the speed of recognition and immediate response difference when seeing a Black person contrasted against someone else (Correll et al, 2017; Plant, Peruche, & Butz, 2005).   However, even though there was a racial bias seen in neural activation and threat detection, in more realistic situations calling for more complex behavior responses, there was not the same anti-Black bias (James, 2011; James, Klinger, & Vila, 2014; James, James, & Vila, 2016).  Some of the results showed a pro-Black response.

Out of 16 measures, and swapping from the general population to crime rates flips the likelihood of Whites and Blacks being shot when aggressing toward police (from 2.5 times more likely for Blacks to 1.1-4.8 times more likely Whites, with only 1 one crime type remaining with Blacks more likely at 1.2 times more likely than Whites), while not-aggressing toward the police, swapping from general population to crime rates goes from 3.3 more likely for Blacks, to a mix with 12 measures showing Whites more likely to be killed 1.05-3.1, and Blacks more likely in 4 measures 1.01-1.8;  object misidentification has a Black bias (Cesario, Johnson, & Terrill, 2019). 

In repeated experiments, holding all other variables constant, there was a racial difference in shooting response rates, with officers taking longer to shoot Black suspects than White, and were less likely to shoot an unarmed Black than White (James, James, & Vila, 2016).  There were also no differences across races when no weapon threats were perceived – false-positive shootings killed more Whites.  Furthermore, whether armed or not, Blacks prompted a response of a greater threat than Whites or Hispanics – simultaneously showing a higher threat response against Blacks, while exhibiting a behavior bias in favor of Blacks.  Prior research showed police shoot more shots per incident at Whites, and were more wary about shooting at Blacks (James, Klinger, & Vila, 2014).

Looking at the results in more detail, there was almost a full second more before shooting Black threats as compared to Whites or Hispanics, almost 2 full seconds faster to shoot one with a gun than a knife.  Participants were more likely to fail to shoot armed Black as compared to armed Whites.  Neural response differences showed higher threat detection when first seeing Blacks before Whites and Hispanics, but there was still delay in actions.  Tests again showed an implicit bias against Blacks, but behavioral bias for Blacks.  In addition, fatigue did not affect police race/ethnic bias.  “This suggests that neurophysiological arousal does not necessarily correspond with behavioral bias” (James, 2011. p. 77).  Even with higher implicit bias scores of associating Blacks with weapons, in the complex behavior of shooting there was no correlation – the implicit bias was unrelated to the decision to shoot (James, James, & Vila, 2016).  Police were no more likely to shoot unarmed Blacks than unarmed Whites (Miller et al, 2017).  Police were slower to shoot a Black suspect and were more likely to fail to shoot an armed Black subject than White but more likely to shoot unarmed White (James, Vila, & Daratha, 2012). 

Marking a 26-year low, there was around 6.4 million in some form of correctional supervision (for violent and non-violent offenses), with 2.1 million incarcerated in 2018 (Maruschak & Minton, 2020).  83% recidivism rate within nine years after release; males rearrested at a higher rate than females 84.2% to 76.8%, and Blacks rearrested at higher rates than Whites 86.9% to 80.9% (Alper, Durose, & Markman, 2018).  Overall, the violence committed by Blacks is done by around 3.0% of the Black general population, who victimize other Blacks 70% of the time, while the violence committed by Whites is done by around 1.1% of the White general population, who victimize other Whites 62.1% of the time (Morgan & Oudekerk, 2019; United States Census Bureau, 2019b).  These percentages are overstating for they are based upon violent acts and described assailants, against the general population, while not delineating how many are repeat offenders and Blacks have a higher recidivism rate, so fewer doing more acts.

Racism Fetish seen

If you say slavery was the oppression of Blacks by Whites, your racism fetish is showing.  Slavery was a bane in human history.  Slavery was not and is not the dominion of guilt of one race, while being the anchor from advancement of another race.  Slavery existed as a practice for millennia before Europeans brought Africans and there were already hundreds of thousands of indentured servants in the ‘New World.’  Indentured servitude and slavery were legal distinctions, with much overlap; indentured servitude was forced upon some, and some slaves earned their freedom; both slaves and indentured servants could be used for strenuous work and be subject for abuse with the abuser not getting punished.  Europeans, East Indians, and Africans bought African slaves captured by African warlords and leaders, and sent those slaves about the world or within their own homeland.  This was not an African ruler tactic alone, as each race had done beforehand to whoever was a captive and deemed a commodity, centuries before the Trans-Atlantic Slave trade.  In the United States, there was a small percentage who owned slaves, and the slave owners were of various races, though mostly White.  The general population increased by birth and immigration by millions after slavery was outlawed.  From Europe and the US, there have been many who have died, been killed, and been maimed, mostly White, trying to end the practice of slavery.  Slavery still continues as there are people who born in the 20^th and 21^st centuries who were sold as slaves, and there are open slave markets today (Muvunyi, 2017; Tizon, 2017).  Throughout history and across the planet, slavery was not an aspect of ‘White supremacy.’  Slavery is just a dark part of humanity.

If you reduce differences in income and wealth to the oppression of minorities while White supremacy is being upheld, your racism fetish is showing.  Morally, individuals of any race should be accorded their proper individual rights.  However, multiple variables also need to be taken into consideration in how much a person earns.  To look at multiple individuals of different races and say their labor, knowledge, experience, desire, work ethic, location, and more are all irrelevant and those individuals should earn the same despite production, but based upon race, that’s your racism fetish coming to the fore. 

Racism fetish is something engaged in and sold; it is something sought, and as sought is sold by sellers in the media, education, government, any who wants to make a sale or push an agenda.  This can be seen in regardless of how pervasive slavery has been, it is advanced that slavery is an evil done upon Blacks by Whites; in addition, it can be seen in how discrepancies between racial averages in income and education are reduced to a single variable of race, when there are many other variables to also consider.  That Asians and Indians out-earn Whites further exemplifies the racism fetish accepted today as Asians and Indians are ignored while White Supremacy is lamented.  Those prior types of racism fetish supplement the biggest racism fetish which is cross-racial violence, which is deemed to be Whites and police against Blacks.

If you protest that there is a wave of racial violence against Blacks by Whites and police, your racism fetish is showing.  In general, members of all races are victimized by members of their own race more than by other races, and the police.  Though Blacks make up 12% of the general population, the assaults by their violent portion account for 15.3% of assaults on Whites while Whites though making up 62.1% of the population account for 10% of assaults upon Blacks; the difference in absolute numbers between percentages of attacks and general populations makes it 548,000 Black-on-White assaults contrasted against 60,000 White-on-Black assaults.  Though Blacks are more likely to get stopped by police, they are no more likely to be killed or injured than Whites in those stops.  Blacks are around 10 times more likely to be killed by another Black than by police; Whites are from 5 to 10 times more likely to be killed by other Whites than by police.  

One of the starts of the mass emphasis on Black victimization by Whites and police was in the shooting of Michael Brown.  If you are aware of ‘Hands up, don’t shoot,’ because of the shooting of Michael Brown, but have not heard about Daniel Shaver, you are caught in the racism fetish.  The Michael Brown Narrative was sold because it did sell.  After review, the story the ‘hands up, don’t shoot’ and the killing of Brown by officer Darren Wilson was found in self-defense as forensics and witnesses showed Brown as the aggressor, even trying to take Wilson’s gun; the narrative of police abuse is still used (Corley, 2015).  Daniel Shaver was on his knees, unarmed, crying as he tried to obey the commands from the officer who aimed his rifle at Shaver; on the rifle was ‘You’re fucked.’  While Shaver was crawling toward the officers as commanded, officer Philip Brailsford shot Shaver five times, killing him; Brailsford was acquitted, though the jury did not receive all the evidence (Robinson, 2017).  Brailsford was fired, but then later rehired and allowed to apply for disability and retire, which was approved so he receives a pension (Garcia & Burkitt, 2019).

Breona Taylor was killed in a no-knock police raid March 13, 2020, whereby none of the officers involved have been charged with a murder and only one was fired (Booker, 2020).  Duncan Lemp was killed in a no-knock police raid on March 12, 2020, whereby none of the officers were charged and the evidence has not even been turned over for review and statements from the police have been incongruent.  Lemp may have been asleep and was not an immanent threat when he was killed (Bovard, 2020; Cohen, 2020; Kunzelman, 2020).  Breona Taylor is properly remembered and even had a law proposed after her; Duncan Lemp is barely known.  Breona was Black, and Duncan was White.

Recently, the killing of George Floyd has been used to show an ‘ignited racial reckoning’ that was ‘vivid and undebatable’ leaving no ability to explain away how the arresting officers murdered George Floyd (McLaughlin, 2020).  George Floyd died saying he ‘can’t breathe,’ and was pleading for his mother.  However, how ‘undebatable’ is the rest of the scenario when the body cam video is seen?  Prior to being placed on the ground, George Floyd was placed inside of a police cruiser where he stated ‘he would die,’ was claustrophobic, and had anxiety, and repeatedly stated ‘I can’t breathe’ as he resisted arrest before he was taken out of the police cruiser and put on the ground where he was later pinned by the officers where they remained until he eventually died with an officer’s knee on the back of his neck (10 Tampa Bay, 2020).  In addition, in the autopsy drugs were found in his system and medical conditions that exacerbated George Floyd’s vulnerability, which would not have been an issue if he was not being pinned to the ground and his pleas discounted by the police holding him there (Melinek, 2020).   George Floyd may not have died if he did not have the drugs or the medical condition; however, he did have them and did die.  It is a homicide, but there is a difference in degrees of murder as well as types of manslaughter; each is a crime, yet the culpability varies.

If you had not heard of Tony Timpa, he was a man pinned by police with one on his back.  Timpa eventually died during that arrest (WFAA, 2019).  The charges against those officers were dismissed citing Tony Timpa’s death was due to drugs and cardiac arrest (Aspinwall & Jaramillo, 2019).  It’s the racism fetish that one gets lauded as police abuse and the source for mass protests, and the other is not known. With a superior position of power, an officer with a restrained subject should err on the side of caution for the very reason seen in the George Floyd and Tony Timpa cases.

Not all incidents that get met with violent responses by police are unjustified.  Jon David Brouseau went into a supermarket while he was armed with a knife.  When officer Meghan Lyall arrived, she confronted Brouseau for his threatening behavior, and he proceeded to threaten and approach her while stating he would kill her; he eventually charged her and she shot Brouseau, making him collapse (Wilder, 2020).  Ricardo Munoz was a man with mental issues he could control when he took his medication; if he did not take his medication he would lash out and attack people.  In 2019, he stabbed four.  Later, the police responded to a domestic disturbance call, and Munoz who had not been taking his medication and was wielding a knife, chased the responding officer who fired in self-defense (Nephin, 2020).  Any individual has a right to self-defense; there are also people who assist with the defense of others, and police are deemed as protectors though they technically are not legally obligated to protect anyone (Stevens, 2000).

Police are people who when threatened will defend themselves.  As mentioned earlier, police tend to escalate violent responses when they perceive threats, especially when or where violent crimes are more prevalent.  They have their own lives, and have a role that they are to fulfill. 

A cop responds to a call of a domestic incident.  The ex-boyfriend of the caller had taken the caller’s keys in an apparent attempt to steal her car, and from pending charges was not supposed to be near the ex-girlfriend.  From just a couple months beforehand, this ex-boyfriend was charged with third degree sexual assault against the woman while she was sleeping and had her son asleep with her; also at that time, this ex-boyfriend was known to have stolen her car and steal $1,000.00, and even before then this assailant had repeatedly physically assaulted her and committed criminal trespass (Kenosha County Circuit Court, 2020; WTMJ-TV, 2020).  Even before the events that lead the police to respond to either calls with the ex-girlfriend, the assailant was known that years before was charged – though the charges were dismissed – with resisting arrest, carrying a concealed weapon, carrying a firearm while intoxicated, causing soft-tissue injury to an officer, and a couple other crimes (Racine County Eye, 2015). 

Multiple officers arrived to assist in the situation and arrest the defendant if needed.  Available videos  provided of the interaction between the police and the defendant began well after the interaction had begun; what happened before was not recorded.  Some witness say that the defendant was trying to break up a fight and he was there for a birthday (Jefferson, 2020); there are others that say the defendant fought with cops, was not slowed with tazers, and said he had a knife of which a knife was recovered from the floorboard of the car (Chavez, 2020a; Chavez, 2020b; WBAY, 2020).  The end result was that Jacob Blake tried to enter his car and was shot seven times in the back. 

Jacob Blake is Black, and the officer who shot him is White.  The video recordings of the incident were quickly used as an event that showed ‘racial inequality’ and America is not at its ‘racial reckoning’ (Sanchez, 2020).  The racism fetish is strong with this case.  It is still contested whether Jacob Blake had brandished the knife and threatened the cops as police claimed to have told him to drop it, or if Jacob Blake just had one in the car, but there was a knife recovered at the scene (Litke, 2020).  What is also on record is that Jacob Blake had repeatedly been physically abusive as well as had committed sexual assault. 

When racism fetish is stoked, Jacob’s prior offenses get glossed over; they’re secondary at most, and can be ignored in full.  You can read accounts of a Black man who was shot by a White cop, and get stories of Jacob’s family life with his kids, his relations with his parents, and how he was loved by them all, with a single paragraph of Jacob’s prior physical and sexual assaults as asides (Clarke, 2020), that his shooting was a lynching (Sanchez, 2020); the NBA Milwaukee Bucks were going to protest a Black man being shot in the back by police, and the players were ‘calling for justice’ (Zeleny, Merica, Martin, & LeBlanc, 2020); basketball coach Doc Rivers lamented “We’re the ones getting killed…” and basketball star LeBron James said “We are scared as Black people in America…” (McCarriston, 2020); NFL teams such as The Saints, Washington Football Team, Bears, Packers, Colts, Broncos, Cardinals, chargers, and The Ravens took off practices with some such as Drew Brees placing ‘Jacob Blake’ on their helmets (Bell, 2020; ESPN News Services, 2020;  TMZ, 2020); the NFLPA and NFL joined to release a statement to show ‘anger and frustration’ about the Jacob Blake shooting, and they wanted to “… have the difficult conversations about these issues that affect the Black Community and other communities in America” (NFLPA, 2020).  Similarly, the Pittsburg Steelers from a management decision had Antwon Rose Jr. placed on their helmets to commemorate his life as he was a Black teen killed by a White officer; however, some of the players such as Alejandro Villanueva and Maurkice Pouncey did some research and found they could not support the commemoration of Rose as he was part of a drive-by shooting –later found to have gunshot residue on his hands – and was trying to elude police when he was shot (Associated Press, 2020; Bradbury, 2019).  This is what happens when people move beyond racism fetish: other things get considered as well.

For all these calls for conversations by those embracing their racism fetish, they advance a conclusion – a conclusion reached before details were known.  Each of these involves a superficial treatment of ‘what happened’ as they change it to ‘who did it happen to, and by whom?’  In a complex event, and with all the variables possible, racism fetish reduces it to mere demographics: Black man shot by White cop.  This racism-stoked fetish that replaced conversation is to be the base for calls to action. 

Police shootings are statistically rare events (Campbell, Nix, & Maguire, 2018).  There are millions of police-civilian interactions yearly, but around 1,000 killed by police yearly.  Contrary to defiance or deterrent theories, post-Ferguson there was neither a significant increase nor decrease in police shootings (Campbell, Nix, & Maguire, 2018).  Combine the age range along with the violent criminal activity beyond the population representation, helps increase the threat awareness for police.  This is not to hold police wholly innocent.  Having a legal monopoly of force, it is more important for police to exercise caution when interacting with civilians, especially when they are detained; as can be seen with George Floyd and Tony Timpa, their lives were in the hands of police who discounted their conditions, and the detained could not do anything to improve their states.  Qualified immunity is also a practice to be ended, so bad actors cannot get away with their bad acts like Brailsford who was rewarded with a pension after murdering someone.  Finally, and this would be legislation not just enforcement, but to remove victimless crimes; if police only responded to criminal acts where there was a victim, or when help was requested the police-citizen contact would be around halved.  None of these are race-based, as when taking into consideration poverty, racial discrepancies disappeared.

Yet the racism fetish of White supremacy gets advanced, though Blacks are not the only victims.

The incorrect, univariate call to action has consequences.  These consequences leave more people vulnerable.  16 years before the Jacob Blake-police shooting incident, noted in an earlier work by Klinger in 2004, Jones, Jones, and Vila (2016* referenced here to keep internet access for each reference point), there was an expression of the potential harms and concerns in an interview with a cop:

The press always plays up the racial angle on shootings around here, and that used to affect my thinking about things. I remember this one time . . . a Black guy took a shot at me and my partner and then took off running. When we caught up to him, he was walking towards some citizens with his rifle. I told him several times to drop the gun, but he just kept moving. I yelled, “This is the last time I’m gonna tell you to put the gun down. If I have to shoot you in the back, I’ll shoot you in the back. I don’t want to shoot you in the back, but I’m gonna shoot you in the back right now!” As soon as I said that, he threw the rifle down. The whole time I was telling him I was going to shoot him, I was thinking, “They’ll crucify me on the news tomorrow if I shoot this Black guy in the back.” That was all it was gonna be: “White cop shoots Black man in the back.” That was gonna be the extent of the story because that’s just what the press preys off of. (Klinger, 2004: 215)

In times when police action is needed to be escalated, there could be a moment of hesitation and that hesitation puts the police and other citizens at risk.  This harm is a potential in policework and outside of police work.  What happens when those in science embrace the unscientific? 

Barber, Hayes, Johnson, and Márquez-Magaña (2020), along with more than 10,000 signatories lamented “… the role that universities—faculty, staff, and students—play in perpetuating structural racism” and how ‘diversity’ prompts better science.  However, to get the best, diversity is a consequence from those of various backgrounds coming together; it is hamstringing science to lower standards or introduce quotas to focus on diversity first, and seek results afterwards.  To be “Breaking down the barriers of systemic racism in STEM and achieving the promise of diversity, equity, and inclusion in STEM require unwavering dedication and real work. It is time to make the commitment to be an agent of change” is not science; it is political activism.

“If we focus only on molecular pathways and neglect to articulate the role of structural inequities—of racism—in our country, our reports on the causes of death and injury in our patients will erase the roles of their oppressors” (Crawford-Roberts, et al, 2020), which is a statement of professionally-engaged racism fetish, as they single out one variable in their complaint about ‘structural inequities.’  The failure of doctors and scientists to be concerned about interpretations first and the scientific realities second, to act as political advocates first with “We wish to remind fellow physicians that medical science has never been objective. It has never existed in a vacuum; there have and will always be social, political and legal ramifications of our work… our diagnoses may perpetuate sexist and racist stereotypes.” (Crawford-Roberts, et al, 2020).  Furthermore, “… ask whether departmental and lab demographics reflect society at large, and actively remedy any disparities” (Barber, Hayes, Johnson, & Márquez-Magaña, 2020), is not advancing a scientific position, but an unfounded and un-grounded political one.  When individuals have complex factors composing their very beings, as well as forming their histories, reducing everything to a single variable and assuming it to be evenly spread, is a poor assumption.  In this case, it’s professional racism fetish.

True to a scientific perspective is to admit the facts, in the case of George Floyd that there were confounding factors such as drugs and medical conditions, but that those were not the cause and were exacerbated by improper handling Mr. Floyd who should not be blamed (Melinek, 2020).  Some differences are not ‘systemic’ but just natural, such as newer research showing potential biologically-based nasal differences making Blacks more vulnerable to COVID (Bunyavanich, Grant, & Vicencio, 2020).  Phenotypic variations are not systemic racism.   Being less fortunate in some aspect is not the same as suffering an injustice (Boudreaux & Sowell, 2020). 

A final review of disparities

Blacks assault Whites at higher rates than Whites do Blacks.  Does this mean Blacks are more racist than Whites, or that the violent portion of a group is including those in general society who are just more available than just more of their own members? – not focusing only on other Blacks but including the more numerous Whites.  That is a bigger question than the data available can answer; however, if we just go by the same single-variable interpretations that are used to justify ‘systemic racism’ because there is a difference in earnings, then the difference is because of systemic racism against Whites by Blacks as to why Blacks have higher assault numbers against Whites.

Hispanics cross-racial assaults mostly came from Whites, but Hispanics also have 70% SES class improvement; Indians and Asians out perform Whites in yearly income, and sub-Saharan Blacks have higher education and employment than native-born US citizens; assaults upon Whites by Blacks is around 1/9 of Blacks assaults by Whites; Blacks assault other Blacks 5.8 times their population percentage.   The violent offender portion of 12% of the general population committed around nine times as many cross-race assaults as did the violent offender portion of 62.1% of the general population; around 21.7% of all violent incidents.  Blacks killed other Blacks around nine times as much as were killed by police.; Blacks assaulted Whites around nine times the rate of Whites assaulting Blacks.  Racism fetish still sells White Supremacy. 

Are these results a matter of time, were they always these results if tested the same, would they be the same across more localized samples, are they just that selection effect?  In any case, it goes to show that it is not so simple as advanced of just racial antagonism.  More research, more data would be needed for review.  Sound methodology to either replace or support findings.  Anecdotes do not replace data.  Case studies look at more than a single variable, though include it in how that variable plays a part in the rest of experience.  In addition, people have a preference for the familiar and their in-groups (Tyler, 2020).  Race, SES, neighborhoods are different ways to base in-groups, but even in those there are hierarchies. 

Racism used to be explicit such as Jim Crow laws declaiming “It shall be unlawful for a negro and white person to play together or in company with each other in any game of cards or dice, dominoes or checkers” and “Separate free schools shall be established for the education of children of African descent; and it shall be unlawful for any colored child to attend any white school, or any white child to attend a colored school” (Smithsonian National Museum of American History, n.d.).  Affirmative Action through Executive Order 10925 has the language of “… that applicants are employed, and that employees are treated during employment, without regard to their race, creed, color, or national origin" (Cornell Law School, 2020).  Flowery language aside, to fulfill the perceptions of equal access to race, creed, and color, what happened includes a series of situations that involve a quota-approach, or extra points given to minority applicants to make sure those underrepresented are given access, even if they did not meet the same standards as those declined (University of Rhode Island, 2020).  Racism has devolved into the univariate causal explanation of differences in complex systems and behaviors.  New ‘systemic’ racism is to include being declined for a loan, loss of employment, or even rudeness (Roberts, 2020).  All the other variables that go into human experience and interactions are disregarded; only race remains for those embracing their racism fetish.  Existence, however, is nuanced.

Bias in the media and from politicians each trying to sell an image to gain support keep tickling people’s racism fetish; the public is not innocent as they are the ones lapping up the racism fetish droppings that is being sold to them.  The data shows as far as cross-race violence is concerned, it is not a vast wave of Whites attacking Blacks, and that there is not a greater likelihood of Blacks being injured or killed in police stops.  That the racism fetish is in effect is based upon the availability bias, as the narrative is repeatedly sold.  Doc Rivers and LeBron James, who both earn millions (good for both of them) from coaching or playing a game, lament the lack of opportunity, and how Blacks are persecuted after Jacob Blake because they based Jacob Blake’s results off the single variable of race; they don’t use other variables such as abuse and assault, or other potential variables.  They reduced their achievements and work and equated all of it to mere skin color and paired themselves with one charged with repeated physical abuse and a sexual assault.  Members of the NFL and NBA lauded one charged with repeated physical abuse and a sexual assault, and lamented the police. 

Shame on those who commemorated a sex offender for the nation to see.  Your racism fetish was exposed and you reduced the work and ethics of the successful and without criminal charges, and raised the one who had been charged with repeatedly beating and sexually assaulting his ex-girlfriend.  Jacob Blake may be exonerated on all counts, but he is charged as of now and to commemorate one charged of sexual and physical assault is a low moral act.  One can speculate how survivors of sexual and physical assault feel when seeing a perpetrator of those abuses getting celebrated on TV and across media.  From the perspective of variate reduction to race, calls are being made to put plans into action to further make similar reductions and elevations.  Any other variable be damned; racism fetish rules.

Racism fetish is an excitement that can be always be activated for it attempts the impossible, and the futile.  Attempting the impossible, it can always be activated and never sated.  When looking at a specific act committed by and against individuals existing today, and pairing it with abstractions in time, place, and groupings, there will never be resolution for abstractions do not exist and the individuals who were victimized and victimizers are not here and whatever was done to and by them cannot be remedied today; for those victims and victimizers who are here today, their individual cases are to be addressed, not blanket remedies based upon a single characteristic that a group may share.  Any attempt to remedy wrongs suffered the past is impossible as those gone cannot be remedied; any attempt to make those who did not inflict a wrong to pay for that wrong is an act of injustice itself.  Social justice is systematized injustice.  To hold people equally guilty based upon their race is as equally racist as lamented ‘White justification to control and rule over ‘Blacks,’ and can be seen in example how ridiculous it is to pair as equally guilty of violence 3^rd Reich Nazis with Amish or Quakers because they’re White. 

Your racism fetish is creepy.  Creepy in both aspects as detestable, and in the long-run it has been slowly infecting more and more, and as of late the creep has turned into a rush.

What proponents of ‘social justice’ “… are seeking to correct are not merely the deficiencies of society, but of the cosmos. What they call social justice encompasses far more than any given society is causally responsible for.  Crusaders for social justice seek to correct not merely the sins of man but the oversights of God or the accidents of history.  What they are really seeking is a universe tailor-made to their vision of equality” which includes “… undeserved inequalities may arise from cultural differences, family genes, or from historical confluences of events not controlled by anybody or by any given society at any given time” with inequalities that are no fault of their own being deemed society’s fault (Sowell, n.d.)

 

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